I wasn’t going to write a voter guide for this primary election because there aren’t any statewide measures. But folks kept asking, and because I can’t help myself, I researched the hell out of every race and started posting about it on social media.
And I’m here to say holy crap, tensions are high. My Facebook page is blowing up. But hey! This is just the primary, so maybe calm the F down. You get to vote on these same races in November. You’ll probably even get to vote for your favorite candidate again.
So here are my thoughts about the statewide candidate races in the June primary. As always, my aim is to provide you with enough information to inform your vote. My sources include newspaper endorsements, Ballotpedia.com, and friends who work in state and local government, including many elected officials.
Disclaimers
Before we begin, I should clarify that the opinions I express in this voter guide are my own and should not be attributed to my clients, my little girl, or my perimenopausal women’s support group. Please send all hate mail to me at info (at) votealix.com.
In the interest of full disclosure, I’m a single mom, a liberal Democrat, and an attorney whose passions include making government work better, helping professionals lead healthier lives, and protecting our environment for future generations. I’ve worked on/volunteered for more political campaigns than I can count, and I also like long walks on the beach.
Governor – Tom Steyer
I’ve changed my mind about the California governor’s race approximately five times. Here’s where I landed, and why.
I started with Xavier Becerra. First Latino governor? Hell yes. Most experience, Democratic front runner, and frankly I just wanted to make sure a Democrat makes the November ballot. It was more strategy than feeling. He talks a good game on housing and health care costs, but he’s an incrementalist who’s been collecting political IOUs for decades. His whole brand is stable, predictable governance. This is the pre-Trump Democratic party. I respect it. I don’t want it right now.
Then I moved to Katie Porter. Smart, fierce, single payer, tax the rich, not afraid of anyone. I love voting for qualified women and I believe the patriarchy should take a seat. But there’s video of her yelling at a staffer, and she has a reputation for being hard on her people. She apologized. Is she being judged more harshly because she’s a woman? Probably, to some degree. But how a politician treats staff isn’t just a vibe thing — it’s a proxy for management style, whether people feel safe giving honest input, and whether they punch down when they have power. If someone consistently mistreats staff, it can lead to high turnover, worse policy outcomes, and insular decision-making. That stuff has real policy consequences.
I remember meeting her at a small event and she didn’t look me in the eyes when she shook my hand. Should that matter? Maybe not. Politicians are humans under extreme pressure. But I generally don’t like voting for jerks.
I’m also not voting for Matt Mahan or Tony Thurmond. Both have great qualities. Neither has the traction to make a runoff, and I’m not in the business of throwing my vote away. (Remember, your vote is a chess move, not a Valentine)
Which brings me to Tom Steyer.

A billionaire white man. I know. I KNOW. I have written at length about why billionaires shouldn’t exist and why California’s long tradition of wealthy outsiders parachuting into statewide office — Schwarzenegger, Whitman, the Huffingtons, Poizner, all of them — is bad for democracy. No voting record. No accountability. Too risky.
But.
Steyer is saying all the right things: tax the rich, single payer, squeeze the utility monopolies, aggressive climate policy, housing, cost of living. And here’s the thing I keep coming back to — his wealth and his outsider status are actually the point. He doesn’t owe the unions anything. He doesn’t owe the Chamber of Commerce anything. He doesn’t have thirty years of political favors to repay. That used to terrify me. In the Trump era, it’s starting to look like a feature.
Governor Pritzker in Illinois. Mayor Lurie in San Francisco. Rich guys who bought their elections and have actually been effective — because they can make hard calls and absorb the blowback. Is Steyer the next Pritzker? I genuinely don’t know. But the times call for big bets, and I’m willing to make one. I’m voting Steyer.
Lt. Governor – Fiona Ma, Josh Fryday or Michael Tubbs
I have some thoughts on Lieutenant Governor’s race. First, you should know that it REALLY DOESN’T MATTER. The Lt Gov sits on the boards overseeing the UC system, the coastal commission, and economic development, and they get to fill in every time the Governor leaves the state to (run for president or) attend a conference.
This race has three front runners, all of them will be FINE, and two of them will advance to November, so you’ll have another crack at it in a few months.
Fiona Ma is the current Treasurer and has the reputation of being a strong fiscal watchdog. She has done basically every job in Sacramento short of operating the espresso cart in the Capitol basement. She’s the institutional pick with the fundraising network to match. She also settled a sexual harassment lawsuit brought by a former employee for $350K, which she called frivolous. It sounds like the accuser had an axe to grind, and there is no evidence that this is a pattern for her.
Josh Fryday is a Navy vet, former Novato mayor, and currently heads Veterans Affairs under Newsom. He is endorsed by lots and lots of Very Important Democrats. Newsom-aligned, next-gen, says the right things about climate. Perfectly fine. It’s not his fault that he’s a white dude. However, if you’re done with white dudes running the government (which I am!) vote for Ma or Tubbs.
Michael Tubbs was elected the first Black mayor of Stockton (at the age of 26!), launched a guaranteed income pilot before it was cool, and is genuinely compelling to watch speak. Most progressive of the three. Less machine support, which means he hasn’t been as good as his competition at raising money or getting endorsements, but he has a legit, enthusiastic following. Has a real personal story and gives good speech.
This isn’t a race that requires strategic anxiety. All three are credible, all three are Democrats. Just vote for whoever you could see possibly supporting for Governor in 4-8 years. Because that’s what this race is really about.
Secretary of State – Shirley Weber
Weber has been a genuine defender of voting rights and election access in an era when that is not a given. More importantly, she has spent the last several years actively blocking Trump administration attempts to restrict voting and hoover up sensitive California voter data. She has a reputation for following the rules even when it’s politically inconvenient — a quality so rare in elected officials that it now counts as a distinguishing characteristic. She has earned re-election.
Controller – Malia Cohen

The Controller is the state’s chief financial officer: she issues payments, manages cash flow, and audits state and local agencies to make sure public money is being spent legally and not just vibes-based. Cohen has improved the timeliness of the state’s financial reporting (boring, important, good for bond ratings and public accountability) and has been publicly calling for fiscal restraint as California stares down budget deficits. In a political environment full of people who want to use every office as a platform, having someone in this seat who is focused on actual cash management is underrated. She has earned my vote.
Treasurer – Anna Caballero
The Treasurer manages the state’s investments, bond sales, and debt, financing schools, housing, and infrastructure. The office also runs key programs supporting affordable housing, economic development, and environmental initiatives. In other words: they control a lot of money, and who controls that money matters.
The top Democratic candidates are Eleni Kounalakis, Anna Caballero, and Tony Vazquez. And I’ll be direct: this race is class warfare.
On the other side, you have two candidates with working class roots who actually paid their dues.
On one side you have Kounalakis, uber-wealthy establishment candidate whose entire state government resume is “Lieutenant Governor” — a job she purchased with personal wealth and no prior electoral experience. To be fair, she’s held that office for nearly two terms. But the Lieutenant Governorship is a lightweight role by design, she hasn’t done much to distinguish herself in it, and yet she walks into this race as the presumed frontrunner because she’s the only statewide officeholder running. She has stronger fundraising, statewide name recognition, and labor endorsements not because she’s earned them through subject matter expertise, but because she’s been on the statewide ballot twice and has favors to call in. She is the Democratic establishment, full stop. I’ll just say the quiet part out loud: I don’t think she actually wants to be Treasurer. I think she wants the next rung on the ladder.

Caballero has a deep resume. She headed California’s Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, overseeing roughly 16,000 employees and a multibillion-dollar budget. She served in both the Assembly and the State Senate. Before that, she was the Mayor of Salinas. She has direct familiarity with the bond financing and public investment programs the Treasurer actually runs. And the part I like most: she started her career as an attorney representing farmworkers and labor interests. Her allies frame this as proof she understands economic policy from a working-class and Central Valley perspective rather than from the vantage point of finance or elite political circles.
Vazquez is emphasizing his tax-policy and fiscal experience from the Board of Equalization and his background in local government. His pitch is that he’s the only candidate with hands-on experience running California’s tax system. He has significantly less money and visibility than the other two. Critics — including the Chronicle editorial board — took issue with comments he made about accepting lower investment returns in favor of more local investment, arguing it reflected an overly political approach to managing a pension and treasury portfolio. That’s a fair concern.
One thing worth naming for my progressive friends: there’s no true progressive in this race, and for this office, I’m not sure that matters.
Kounalakis is a capital-L liberal who won’t rock the boat. Caballero is a Central Valley moderate — yes, she was a farmworker attorney, but she also has ties to business and agricultural interests and has built her reputation as a coalition builder, not a crusader. Vazquez talks more openly than the others about using public money for community benefit over pure returns, which sounds progressive in tone, but he’s not aligned with the organized progressive movement — the groups pushing hard on climate divestment, criminal justice reform, and the like.
And honestly… for this office, I’m fine with that. There are races where I want a candidate with big, bold ideas — Governor, Attorney General, the Legislature. The Treasurer’s race is not that. Fiscal responsibility is kind of the whole enchilada here. I want someone with deep experience who will manage our money competently and responsibly.
Caballero fits that bill better than anyone else in this field.
As I’ve written before, I don’t think the ultra-wealthy should be able to parachute into statewide office except in very rare circumstances. Kounalakis purchased the Lieutenant Governorship, has no signature accomplishment to show for nearly two terms in it, and has no apparent subject matter expertise for the job she’s now seeking. Her endorsements and war chest are structural advantages, not evidence of fitness for office. They’re the spoils of having run statewide twice.
Caballero is scrappy, actually wants this job, has the relevant experience, and has spent her career fighting for working people. That’s the whole argument.
“But wait! Alix, how can you support wealthy Tom Steyer for Governor while opposing wealthy Eleni Kounalakis for Treasurer?”
I have always opposed wealthy candidates parachuting into higher office. That’s not a new position. Politicians who pay their dues build voting records, make alliances, and earn a level of accountability to the people they’ve served. Wealthy outsiders skip all of that, and Californians suffer the consequences.
Steyer is the exception, and I want to be clear that I’m making a Hail Mary pass here. In the pre-Trump era, I wanted incrementalism, stability, candidates I could evaluate based on evidence. That era is over. The Trump administration is trying to screw us every way they can, and many California politicians seem afraid of their own shadow — too worried about the next race to say anything that might cost them. Steyer’s wealth buys him something specific and valuable in this moment: the freedom to make hard decisions and absorb the blowback. He doesn’t need the job. He doesn’t need the job after that. That’s the only reason I’m setting aside my rule, and only for this office, in this political moment.
Kounalakis doesn’t get the same exception, because nothing about her candidacy justifies one. The Treasurer’s job is fiscal stewardship — responsible, technical, not ideological. It doesn’t call for big swings. She isn’t offering any. And she has no relevant experience in the office she’s trying to purchase. Wealthy candidates get a pass from me in exactly one scenario: when the moment demands boldness and the money buys them the freedom to deliver it. Kounalakis meets neither condition.
Attorney General – Rob Bonta
Bonta is the busiest person in Sacramento and it’s not close. He has filed dozens of lawsuits against the Trump administration covering immigration, reproductive rights, environmental rules, education funding, and federal spending cuts — basically a full-time job on its own. He has also gone after Live Nation and Amazon, prioritized gun violence prevention, housing enforcement, hate crimes, and anti-trafficking work. The AG’s office exists to protect Californians’ legal interests, and he is using it for exactly that. Vote for Bonta!
Insurance Commissioner – Ben Allen
The California Department of Insurance regulates more than 1,400 insurance companies, licenses hundreds of thousands of agents and brokers, investigates fraud, reviews property insurance rates, and handles consumer complaints. The Insurance Commissioner has to be responsive to public pressure for reform while understanding the industry well enough to actually get those reforms done. It is probably one of the hardest jobs in state government, and yet somehow we fill it with an election instead of, I don’t know, a national search.
Ben Allen is a wildfire and insurance nerd, and I mean that as the highest possible compliment. He brings 12 years as a State Senator (Santa Monica) with policy experience tied directly to insurance and climate risk. He knows Sacramento, he knows how to move legislation, and he knows where the bodies are buried in the regulatory process.

Supporters argue he combines serious policy expertise with the legislative experience to actually implement reforms, not just announce them. His work on climate and wildfire policy reflects a clear-eyed understanding that California’s insurance crisis is fundamentally a climate risk problem, not an administrative inconvenience. His push for stronger insurer disclosure requirements and fossil-fuel accountability has made some industry-aligned observers nervous. Also worth noting: he represents Pacific Palisades, and has earned praise from his constituents for how he has handled the disaster.
His critics come from both sides: progressives say he’s not aggressive enough, and business-aligned critics worry he’ll over-regulate a fragile market. I kind of love this. When you have enemies on both sides of an issue, it usually means you’re doing something right. It tells me he’d actually be good at the job.
Steven Bradford is a genuinely lovely human being who has served 14 years in the State legislature with a focus on energy, utilities, and consumer issues, though with less direct experience in insurance mechanics than Allen. His supporters rave about his decency, his steadiness, and his ability to build consensus, which matters when you’re running an office where both consumer groups and insurance companies are screaming at you simultaneously.
He’s the most balanced candidate: pro-consumer without being reflexively anti-industry. Supporters frame him as someone who can hold insurers accountable while still keeping them in California’s market, which is, you know, kind of the whole problem we’re trying to solve. He’s a practical dealmaker, not an ideological crusader.
His critics say he’s not enough of a reformer and lacks a distinctive vision for the crisis. Some progressives view him as too cozy with industry. Meh. I’d take Bradford over most of the field in another race. In this one, I think we need someone willing to actually push.
Jane Kim is the anti-Bradford: fierce, aggressive, and ready to burn it down. I’ve known her since before she ran for Supervisor in San Francisco in 2011, when she built a reputation for leading and winning high-profile policy fights.
Her supporters argue the current system is broken beyond incremental repair and needs radical restructuring. She’s proposing a public disaster insurance option, stronger consumer protections, profit caps, and broader accountability measures. She is not here to make friends with insurers.
The problem: she has no statewide policy or regulatory experience, and that matters enormously for this job. She has worked on housing, budgeting, and economic policy, but not insurance regulation specifically. And the flipside of “fierce” is “combustible.” Would her style produce the political conflict that further destabilizes a market that is already on fire (sometimes literally)?
I want to be clear: I get triggered when I hear her policies are “politically unworkable,” because that’s the same argument incrementalists used against universal healthcare and universal preschool. A new idea is “unworkable” until it isn’t. But there’s a difference between bold reform and reform untethered from how the regulated industry actually functions. I worry that Jane’s aggressive instincts, without deep knowledge of insurance mechanics or state regulatory process, means the reforms won’t stick. A good idea badly implemented is still a loss.
Patrick Wolff is the anti-politician. He’s a competent financial analyst with strong technical chops, no electoral experience, and a focused platform around making the existing system function efficiently: enforcing deadlines, clearing backlogs, and rebuilding trust after the Ricardo Lara years.
I respect the pitch. I don’t buy it for this race. The Office of Insurance Commissioner is a massive state bureaucracy, and running it requires the ability to absorb political pressure, negotiate with powerful interests, and move legislation. Technical expertise matters, but it’s not sufficient. His critics also note that he doesn’t push hard enough on consumer protections and is too sympathetic to industry. That tracks.
The bottom line: I’m voting for Allen. He has the policy depth to understand the problem, the legislative experience to actually solve it, and a track record of being willing to irritate people in service of getting something done. He’s not Bradford (too cautious) or Kim (too unmoored from operational reality) or Wolff (impressive resume, wrong job). The office has roughly 1,400 employees and enormous regulatory power over every Californian’s ability to insure their home. Send the nerd.
Member, State Board of Equalization (District 2) – Sally Lieber
The Board of Equalization oversees property tax administration, hears tax appeals, and manages taxes on alcohol, insurance, and fuel. District 2 runs the coast from Marin down to Ventura, which is why it reliably elects Democrats

Incumbent Sally Lieber is a rare bird in politics: she’s actually a good human who takes her office seriously and doesn’t treat it like a political parking spot. Her resume is long and legitimate — Mountain View mayor and council member, State Assembly, Assembly Speaker pro Tem, and now BOE chair. She has strong progressive credentials and is working on greater uptake of the various tax credits available to Californians. She also mentors younger women to run for office, which is how I met her. She’s the real deal.
Her only Democratic opponent, John Pimentel, is running as a reformer with a shorter political resume. He emphasizes efficiency and even questions whether the Board of Equalization should continue to exist in its current form. Lieber has all the major endorsements and a commanding fundraising lead. I’ll be watching whether Pimentel — or one of the four Republicans on the ballot — makes it out of the primary.
Vote for Sally. She’s earned it.
Superintendent of Public Instruction – Josh Newman
I changed my mind a few times on this one. And really, you can’t go wrong with any of the four top Democrats.
No clear front-runner here. Four Democrats (all men!) are fighting to make it out of the primary, the teachers unions are fragmented, and — this is the part that should get your attention — Republican Sonya Shaw might actually make it onto the November ballot if Democrats split the vote evenly enough. She’s the only candidate in this race whose brand is intentionally confrontational and culture-war-oriented, which makes her a pretty stark contrast to the four guys who are otherwise running a remarkably civil, qualified, non-chaotic race.
Richard Barrera is president of the San Diego Unified School District board and probably the candidate most closely aligned with organized labor. He has the endorsement of incumbent Tony Thurmond and the California Teachers Association, plus two decades helping run one of California’s largest school districts. Supporters call him collaborative and pragmatic — someone who works well with unions, administrators, parents, and local officials. Critics call him an incrementalist too tethered to the education establishment to push real reform.
Al Muratsuchi chairs the Assembly Education Committee and is very much the policy-wonk candidate. He’s picked up the remaining labor endorsements — California Federation of Teachers, Association of California School Administrators, CA School Employees Association — and he genuinely knows education finance and policy cold, including co-authoring the $10 billion Proposition 2 school facilities bond with Newman. Critics say he represents the Sacramento education status quo too completely: deeply aligned with unions and bureaucracies, less associated with measurable improvement in student outcomes.
Josh Newman is a former chair of the Senate Education Committee and co-authored Proposition 2 with Muratsuchi. He’s trying to occupy a more independent lane, with military and nonprofit experience alongside his policy work. His focus is on system coordination and cutting bureaucracy so money actually reaches classrooms. Supporters say he’s willing to challenge entrenched interests. Critics say he lacks the deep K–12 operational background of Barrera, has less institutional support than the others, and is stuck in an awkward middle between unions and reformers.
Anthony Rendon is the most powerful Sacramento insider in the race — former Assembly Speaker, strong name recognition, strong fundraising. His case is straightforward: he knows how state government actually works, and his years as Speaker mean he can move budgets and navigate agencies better than anyone else on this ballot. He also has a genuine focus on early childhood education and anti-poverty work, not just traditional K–12 politics. The criticism is equally straightforward: transactional legislative operator, not an education visionary. Some progressives still haven’t forgiven him for how he managed progressive legislation as Speaker.
This was a genuinely hard call. All four are qualified, none are volatile or scandal-prone, and I could vote for any of them. I’m voting for Newman, because I think some independence from union influence is actually an asset in this role. But mark your ballot for whoever you like — the real race will start this summer, after we see who makes it to the November ballot.
US Congress, District 11 (San Francisco) – Scott Wiener
Nancy Pelosi held this seat for 37 years, with 20 of those years in leadership. Let that sink in. Whoever succeeds her won’t face a Republican opponent worth worrying about—but make no mistake, this race is a fight because the stakes are real. This district has a tradition of sending leaders to Washington, not just warm bodies. The question is whether we keep that tradition or blow it.

Scott Wiener is, by most objective measures, the most effective legislator in California. The nonpartisan Center for Effective Lawmaking ranked him first in the entire California Legislature for 2023–2024—out of 120 lawmakers—and he’s ranked near the top since his first term. He doesn’t just introduce bills; he shepherds complex, controversial legislation through to passage. He builds coalitions, absorbs setbacks, and keeps coming back until he gets to yes.
His housing work gets the most attention, and it should—he has taken real political risks to push for supply in a state defined by scarcity. But his record is broader: reproductive healthcare access, protections against sexual assault and harassment, public health, criminal justice, nightlife policy, emerging technology regulation. These are not easy wins. They’re messy, politically risky fights that most elected officials avoid. Wiener runs toward them.
Critics say he’s too developer-friendly, too willing to steamroll local control. Fair point to raise, though I think you need to break a few eggs to make an omelet. I’ve also heard the criticism that he hasn’t been vocal enough on racial discrimination and the gutting of the Voting Rights Act. I know that he’ll vote the right way when the time comes, but I agree we need to hear more from him on that critical issue.
He’s also had moments on Israel and Gaza where his words fell short—he acknowledged it and clarified his position. As a Jewish American, I have also wrestled with the tightrope of supporting Israel’s right to exist and defend itself, while also denouncing the vile and criminal acts of its current government. In a moment when many politicians retreat to slogans or avoid the issue entirely, Wiener has engaged—even when imperfectly—and shown a willingness to take responsibility when he gets it wrong.
Connie Chan has real roots in San Francisco neighborhoods and strong labor relationships—those things matter in this city. Her platform focuses on affordability and working families: cost of living, immigrant protections, worker representation over corporate interests. She’s also making an explicit play for San Francisco’s Chinese American electorate, which, if it breaks her way, could matter. She also has Nancy Pelosi’s endorsement, which is a big deal. I have the utmost respect for the Speaker Emerita, and I’m proud that the first female Speaker of the House was from San Francisco. However, I do wonder how much her endorsement of Chan will matter, given how eager voters are to overthrow the gerontocracy.
Something to think about: getting legislation through the Board of Supervisors is small potatoes compared to Congress. Chan hasn’t demonstrated policy leadership or impact at the scale this role demands. I don’t think she’s ready for the national stage, and “she’ll grow into it” is not a reason to send someone to one of the most watched congressional seats in the country.
Saikat Chakrabarti is the insurgent—backed by Justice Democrats, largely self-funding, and positioning himself as the candidate willing to challenge the Democratic establishment. His base finds that appealing. His platform is the most structurally ambitious of the three: Medicare for All, clean energy, dramatic tax increases on the wealthy. He’s also running explicitly against the Democratic establishment — his campaign homepage doesn’t mention Trump; his villains are Democrats (!). For those of you who oppose uber-wealthy candidates parachuting into office (ahem) (see my previous posts), it’s worth noting that he’s financing his campaign with $4.8 million $10 million of his own Stripe equity.
He has also never held elective office, which means we have no way of knowing how he performs under real pressure. He hasn’t built the relationships that make Congress work. And the degree to which he foregrounds his AOC connection—without her endorsement—is off-putting. CNN reported she was not pleased to learn from media reports rather than from Chakrabarti directly that he was running. To me, name-checking AOC reads less like earned credibility and more like borrowed relevance. AOC not endorsing her own former staffer is a signal worth sitting with.
This district doesn’t just need a representative. It needs someone who can step into Pelosi’s legacy of power and actually wield it. At a moment when it’s easy to confuse rhetoric with impact, Wiener has demonstrated, over and over, that he knows how to turn ideas into law.
He’s a doer. Right now, that matters more than anything else.
















































Madame Speaker is the most powerful woman in American government, and she has wielded that power in favor of progressive values in an extremely challenging political environment. She is partly responsible for wresting the House back to Democratic control in 2018 by supporting the right candidates (including many women!) in swing districts. I also admire her ability to troll President Trump and get under his skin. I am voting for her with enthusiasm.
Over the years I have worked with Senator Scott Wiener in advocating for nightlife and culture and paid parental leave. He is also known for his work in improving public transit and access to housing. He is a tireless and prolific legislator, and in recent years he has been relentless in advocating for the development of housing of all kinds across the state. Because he has been fearless in tackling some of the states’ most intractable issues, he’s also made some enemies – especially among those who oppose real estate development. Personally, I agree with Scott that cities of all sizes need to start making sacrifices to build denser housing and taller buildings – it’s the only way out of our perpetual housing crunch in this state.
First, I would like to note that there are six candidates for judge on this ballot: all of them women, and five are women of color. This is remarkable. We’ve come a long way, baby!
I see two highly qualified women of color in this race: an administrative law judge and a deputy public defender. Both candidates would bring formidable experience to the Superior Court bench. Proudfoot is a former prosecutor who has presided over more than 200 rent-control cases as an administrative law judge. She spent 16 years as a deputy district attorney, specializing in gang violence and sexual assault. She is endorsed by Senator Scott Wiener, Assemblymember David Chiu and over 20 judges.
Rani Singh is an experienced prosecutor who has appeared in more than 100 trials. She is my choice because she received the rating of “exceptionally well qualified” from the Bar Association of San Francisco, which is very rare to see. Rani is not your typical DA – she leads the Collaborative Courts and Mental Health Units of the DA’s office, working with both victims AND defendants on addressing root causes of crime. She is endorsed by over a dozen Judges including Judge John K. Stewart, whose seat she is running for, Judge Linda Colfax, and elected officials including Senator Scott Wiener, former Senator Mark Leno, Assemblymember David Chiu, Assessor Carmen Chu, and Supervisor Aaron Peskin. That’s a broad coalition of support from both sides of the aisle.
The DCCC is the governing body of the local Democratic party. It registers voters, endorses candidates, and takes positions on issues important to San Franciscans. When I served on the DCCC (from 2010-2016), I was most proud of the work I did to recruit and support female candidates for public office.
The revenues from Prop 51 have already been claimed, and unfortunately it was structured on a first-come, first-served basis, so the schools who benefitted were mostly in wealthier and larger school districts who could get their applications in the fastest. Ugh. So here we are, with a LARGER bond measure, specifically designed to prioritize NEED, not SPEED. If Prop 13 passes, the schools in smaller and low-income districts will get the funds they deserve to make their improvements.
Is it a worthy cause? Seismologists say there is a 72% likelihood that the next major regional earthquake will strike 
Prop E would limit the development of new office space by tying office development projects to whether the city is meeting its affordable housing goals. It is true that the city has enjoyed an incredible employment boom (thanks, Big Tech!); however, it has not been able to build housing fast enough to accommodate all the people who are taking those jobs. As a result, a lot of these folks need to live outside the city, and all those commuters are bad for traffic congestion, transit resources, the environment, etc.. The idea behind Prop E is that we need to bring jobs and housing into a better balance – and we do that by requiring that more affordable housing be built BEFORE we build ANY new office space.
US House (CA-12) – Nancy Pelosi







Faauuga Moliga is a school social worker and parent. Mayor Breed appointed him to the school board in October to fill the seat of Hydra Mendoza, who moved away. Moliga is the first Pacific Islander member of the school board, representing a community impacted by high poverty and incarceration rates, and low college readiness. His campaign focuses on the opportunity gap for students of all demographics, as well as supporting the well-being of students and families through mental health services. His main endorsers are the SF Teachers Union; organized labor; Mayor London Breed; Board of Supervisors President Malia Cohen; Supervisors Mandelman, Fewer, Ronen, Safai, Peskin and Yee.


If you’ve taken a walk or bike ride along the Embarcadero, you have seen the crumbling concrete and dilapidated piers along San Francisco’s waterfront. Frankly, it’s embarrassing, and it’s also a threat to public safety. Ponder this: scientists predict that the sea level will rise three feet in the next 30 years, and that the Bay Area will see another
Data privacy is the hottest topic in government this year after data breaches at Facebook and other companies revealed how tech companies use consumer information. Proposition B is a non-binding resolution asking the city to set privacy standards for companies who do business in San Francisco. The idea is an appealing one, because everyone agrees that consumers should have more control over their data, and if SF – the capitol of tech – sets a high bar, the rest of the nation might follow.
It’s too much money for homelessness relative to other spending. Prop C secures $682 million for the Department of Homelessness. For comparison, that’s 3x the budget of Rec and Park ($231 million), 7x the budget of the Department of Emergency Management ($95 million), 4x the budget of Libraries ($160 million), and nearly 3x the budget of the Sheriff’s Department, which includes the jails ($249 million). Moreover, if Prop 2 (2018) on the California ballot passes, SF is poised to receive another $100 million per year for homelessness programs. Senator Scott Wiener also recently secured $30 million from the state budget for homeless youth programs. Does SF need $812 million per year for the homeless?! No.
Beginning in 2021, the money collected from the tax would go into the general fund, so the city can spend it however it wishes. The city controller predicts proceeds of $2 million to $4 million at first, growing to as much as $16 million in three years.
San Francisco charges a 14% bed tax on hotels, B&Bs, and Airbnb hosts, and it brings in about in $370 million per year. Prop E would take an 8% slice of this tax revenue and dedicate it to arts and cultural organizations and projects in the city, boosting the city’s arts budget from $22 million per year (2018) to $35 million by 2022. It requires a two-thirds vote to pass.

In the June primary, Kevin De Leon squeaked his way into the general election with 12% of the vote against Dianne Feinstein, who beat the rest of a crowded field with 44%. It is theoretically possible for DeLeon to beat Feinstein in November, however, DeLeon is running to Feinstein’s left, and general elections tend to vote more moderate than primaries.* Moreover, progressives who have been watching the Kavanaugh hearings are happy enough with Feinstein given her role in attacking the nominee. She hasn’t pulled any punches with Kavanaugh or the old white men who control the Senate, IMO.
Notably, this is one of the few races between two Democrats in November, and it’s a tossup. Eleni Kounalakis got 24% of the vote in June, to Ed Hernandez’s 20%. Given the energy and enthusiasm behind women candidates this fall (including my own!), my money is on Kounalakis.
If Democrat Ricardo Lara wins, he’ll be the first openly gay person elected to statewide office in California. But he’s got a tough fight ahead of him. Lara received 40.5% of the vote in June to (Republican-until-recently) Steve Poizner’s 41%, so it’s neck and neck. Poizner has an edge because he has held the office before (2007-11) and has lots of name recognition statewide. He’s also gotten some big endorsements recently, including the San Francisco Chronicle and the Sacramento Bee. However, the 3rd place finisher in June was a Democrat (Asif Mahmood – 13%), so it’s likely that his votes add to Lara’s total, not Poizner’s. It might be a squeaker. See my
Board of Equalization (Dist. 2) – Malia Cohen
Prop 1 is a general obligation bond. As a refresher, general obligation bonds are essentially loans that the state takes out and then repays with interest over time. The bonds are repaid from the state’s General Fund, and that’s why they have to be approved by the voters. The General Fund also pays for essential services like health care, road repairs, and law enforcement, so we want to be careful about how we’re obligating it to other purposes.
Prop 2 is not a set-aside. But it does AMEND a previously approved set-aside (Prop 63) to make its funding more flexible. Prop 2 is a technical measure that merely allows the state government to use revenue from the existing “millionaire’s tax” for homelessness prevention.
On its surface, Prop 3 seems like a good idea. It would issue nearly $9 billion in bonds for water-related infrastructure and environmental projects, including groundwater supplies and storage, dam repairs, watershed and fisheries improvements, and habitat protection and restoration. Who doesn’t love all of those things? Especially in the Trump era, when the federal government is wiping out all the programs that support water sustainability.
California has 13 regional children’s hospitals that provide specialized care to children and young adults up to age 21 who are suffering from serious and life-threatening diseases such as leukemia, sickle cell disease, cancer, and cystic fibrosis. Prop 4 is a $1.5 billion general obligation bond that will support the construction, expansion, renovation, and equipping of these children’s hospitals. They promise to use the money to acquire the latest technology and life-saving medical equipment.
On its face, this seems like a good idea: making it easier for homebuyers who are older or disabled to transfer their existing tax assessments, so that they don’t have to pay higher taxes on their new home.
Prop 6 is very bad. If passed, it will repeal the gas tax increases and vehicle fees that were enacted in 2017, AND make it much harder for California to impose gas taxes and vehicle fees in the future.
I’m mad at you, Prop 7. Here I am, researching the pros and cons of daylight savings time, when I could be phone banking for Jacky Rosen for Senate, or painting my daughter’s toenails. Seriously, though, this one has to go down as one of the silliest ballot measures on record.
If you’re thinking there must be a salacious back story here, you’d be right.
For as long as I’ve been involved in politics in San Francisco, repealing Costa-Hawkins has been the holy grail of progressive housing policy. Costa-Hawkins exempts properties built in 1995 or later from rent control, and it also prevents cities with pre-existing rent control laws from extending them to newer units. San Francisco’s ordinance, for example, remains limited to housing built before 1980. And Costa-Hawkins exempts single-family homes from rent control while guaranteeing property owners the right to raise rents to market value when units are vacated.
Proposition 11 is yet another highly technical measure that has no business being on the ballot. It would allow ambulance providers to require workers to remain on-call during paid breaks. And just like Prop 8, it’s here because of a bitter dispute between a union and an employer.
Prop 12, if passed, would ban the sale of meat and eggs from calves raised for veal, pregnant pigs, and egg-laying hens confined in areas below a specific number of square feet. Again, this is a highly technical measure – why is this even on the ballot? Because it makes a necessary amendment to a previous ballot measure. And a ballot measure can only be amended or repealed by ballot measure. GRRR. When will it all end? We need to overhaul our initiative process.*


Former State Senator Mark Leno is a strong candidate for Mayor, as he was a solid legislator, both at the Board of Supervisors and in the State Senate. However, I have been profoundly disappointed in the negativity coming out of his campaign in recent months. I have known Mark for years, and I have been surprised to see how low he has been willing to stoop when the polls started showing him losing the race. If you’ve seen the ads, you know what I’m talking about.

If you are a renter in San Francisco, you know what it feels like to have housing insecurity. In the last decade, the volatility of the housing market has been terrifying for many of us. Prop F promises an important safeguard against unfair evictions: It will require the city to provide legal representation for any residential tenant facing an eviction lawsuit. It won’t solve the housing crisis, but it will prevent some folks who can’t afford an attorney from losing their homes.
This one is confusing, so bear with me. Prop H was put on the ballot by the police officers’ union because it was frustrated by the city’s unwillingness to enact a policy allowing cops to use tasers. Since then, the Police Commission did enact a taser policy, thus rendering Prop H moot. The proponents of Prop H still want it to pass, though, because they want it to be codified into law that can only be repealed by the voters, which I think is a terrible idea. This is exactly the kind of law that needs to be decided by representatives in city government (i.e., police commission or the board of supervisors), so that they can amend it or repeal it if tasers turn out to be a bad idea (which I personally think they are). If Prop H passes, it will undermine the ability of the Police Department and the Commission to set law enforcement policy. Just about everybody agrees that Prop H is terrible, including all of the major candidates for Mayor, the Police Chief (!!), the District Attorney AND the Public Defender, the ACLU and every local newspaper.